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Refusée Fédéral Agriculture et alimentation Environnement, climat et énergie 13 juin 2021

Popular initiative « For a Switzerland without synthetic pesticides »

On 13 June 2021, Swiss voters decided on two agricultural initiatives on the same day. The initiative "For a Switzerland without synthetic pesticides" came from a citizens' committee rooted in the Lake Geneva and Neuchâtel region, carried outside the major…

Oui — 39.4% Non — 60.6%
Participation : 59.7%
L'enjeu de l'époque

On 13 June 2021, Swiss voters decided on two agricultural initiatives on the same day. The initiative "For a Switzerland without synthetic pesticides" came from a citizens' committee rooted in the Lake Geneva and Neuchâtel region, carried outside the major parties and established farming organisations. The text sought to enshrine a radical ban in the Constitution.

In concrete terms, the initiative demanded a ban on synthetic pesticides in agriculture, food processing and land management, with a ten-year transition period. It also provided for a ban on importing foodstuffs produced using such substances — a clause that crystallised the debate over feasibility.

The Federal Council and a large majority of Parliament recommended rejection, deeming the ban too absolute. In parallel, the chambers had already adopted an indirect counter-proposal through a parliamentary initiative (19.475), aiming to halve pesticide-related risks by 2027 — a central argument of the opposing camp.

The campaign pitted town against country, with exceptional rural mobilisation. At stake were drinking-water quality, health, food sovereignty and the future of the Swiss farming model. Turnout reached 59.7%, a high level for a federal vote.

Methodological note: This sheet treats the vote factually and non-partisanly. The verdicts concern only the verifiable campaign arguments — those that can be checked against facts observed since the vote — and not the ballot result itself.
▲ Cantons that accepted
Basel-Stadt (only canton, 57.1%).
▼ Cantons that rejected
The other 25 cantons and half-cantons. Strongest rejection: Valais (76.9%), Jura (67.1%), Fribourg (67%), Vaud (62.7%). Geneva rejected narrowly (50.6% no).

Actors and personalities

▲ Yes camp
Citizens' committee "Future3" (initiators, non-party)
The Greens and SP
Environmental NGOs (Greenpeace, Pro Natura)
Doctors and scientists signatories of appeals
▼ No camp
Federal Council and majority of Parliament
SVP, FDP, The Centre (no recommendations)
Swiss Farmers' Union (SBV, Markus Ritter)
economiesuisse and SGV business circles
Worth noting : Rarely, the initiative was backed by no major party or farming organisation; its citizens' committee had to build a campaign without the usual machinery, against a united farming front.

Arguments and verdicts

▲ Arguments FOR (Yes camp)
Drinking-water pollution will persist without a ban
« Our groundwater is contaminated with pesticide residues; without a ban, tap water will remain at risk. »
— Initiative committee, 2021
✓~ Partly confirmed
Partly confirmed: chlorothalonil metabolites are still detected in many aquifers (80% of Swiss drinking water comes from groundwater), and the FSVO classified them "relevant" (limit 0.1 µg/L) in 2024. But chlorothalonil had already been banned on 1 January 2020, independently of the initiative.
Source: FOEN / FSVO, directive 2024/1; FOEN, chlorothalonil in groundwater.
The status quo will keep pesticide sales high
« Without a strong signal, the use of synthetic pesticides will not really decline. »
— Initiative supporters, 2021
✓ Argument confirmed
Confirmed: according to FOAG statistics, sales of synthetic active substances rose by about 8% in 2022, while the overall decline in plant-protection products was only 1.5% over 2008-2022. Glyphosate remained the best-selling synthetic pesticide.
Source: FOAG, plant-protection product sales statistics 2022.
▼ Arguments AGAINST (No camp)
The parliamentary route will cut risks without a brutal ban
« The indirect counter-proposal (Pa. Iv. 19.475) halves the risks by 2027 without blocking agriculture. »
— No camp / Parliament, 2021
✓ Argument confirmed
Confirmed institutionally: parliamentary initiative 19.475 was adopted, with a target of halving pesticide-related risks by 2027, cutting nitrogen losses (-15%) and phosphorus losses (-20%) by 2030, and an ordinance package in force from 2023.
Source: Parliament, business 19.475; FOAG, ordinance package.
Targeted reduction is enough, no total ban needed
« No radical ban needed: a targeted policy will cut risks effectively. »
— Opponents, 2021
✗~ Partly refuted
Partly refuted at mid-point: the -50% trajectory is far from being reached. The rise in synthetic sales in 2022 and the negligible overall decline show that the promised "targeted" reduction has not so far delivered the rapid drop announced.
Source: FOAG, sales statistics 2022.

Factual record

2
Confirmed
1
Partly confirmed
1
Partly refuted
0
Refuted
~
Drinking water: a lingering legacy
Chlorothalonil, banned in 2020, leaves metabolites in aquifers; classified "relevant" by the FSVO in 2024, they force treatment on several suppliers. The fear of durably pesticide-marked water was partly confirmed — but through channels other than the initiative.
Source: FSVO, directive 2024/1.
!
Pesticide sales: no significant decline
The implicit promise of a fall through the status quo did not materialise: +8% synthetic sales in 2022, only 1.5% overall decline over fourteen years. Glyphosate remains in the lead.
Source: FOAG, 2022.
Parliamentary route: the alternative was activated
The No camp's key argument materialised: Pa. Iv. 19.475 sets a -50% risk trajectory by 2027, with ordinances in force. Whether the target will be met remains open.
Source: Parliament, 19.475.
Analyse éditoriale
Conclusion

The double no to the anti-pesticide initiatives of June 2021 confirmed how hard it is, in Switzerland, to pass a radical agricultural ban at the ballot box: only Basel-Stadt accepted, and the town-country divide showed clearly.

On substance, the debate did not vanish with rejection. The Yes camp's fears about water quality echo in the chlorothalonil file, whose metabolites continue to worry water suppliers, even though that substance was banned independently of the vote.

The No camp's bet — cutting risks via the parliamentary route rather than a ban — was partly honoured: the legal framework exists, but sales statistics show the promised rapid decline is slow to materialise.

Four years on, the record is nuanced: neither the agricultural collapse brandished by opponents nor the ecological revolution hoped for by initiators, but an administered reduction, slow and contested in its pace.